The central takeaway of this judgment is that “gender‑neutral” recruitment is not the same as “gender‑equal” recruitment. A 50:50 male–female ratio may look fair on paper, but if it blocks more meritorious women and allows less meritorious men, it is not gender‑neutral and violates the constitutional guarantee of equality.
This article explains that distinction as articulated by the Supreme Court in Arshnoor Kaur & Anr v Union of India & Ors (2025 INSC 954), using the Court’s own definitions and reasoning
1. The Case Setting: JAG Recruitment and the 50:50 Policy
The case arose from recruitment to the Judge Advocate General (JAG) branch of the Indian Army for the SSC (JAG‑31) Course. Under the impugned notification, there were 6 vacancies for men and 3 for women. Women candidates like the petitioners secured higher marks than several selected male candidates, but were denied entry only because of the gender‑segregated vacancy structure and separate merit lists.
Subsequently, the Army adopted a 2023 policy (effective 2024) fixing male:female intake at 50:50 and described it as “gender‑neutral entry” in the JAG branch. The Supreme Court examined this claim and used the occasion to clarify, in constitutional terms, what “gender‑neutral” really means and how it differs from “gender‑equal.”
2. What the Court Means by “Gender‑Neutral”
In paragraphs 88–90, the Court directly addresses the concept of gender‑neutrality.
First, it notes that in ordinary parlance “gender‑neutral” means that no discrimination is made between candidates on the basis of gender or sex. In other words, gender as such should neither advantage nor disadvantage anyone in the selection process.
The Court illustrates this with a simple but powerful example:
·
If an
employer hires the same number of men
and women, the employer is following a policy
of “gender‑equality”.
·
If an
employer hires the best candidates
purely on merit, irrespective of whether they are men or women, the
employer is following a policy of
“gender‑neutrality.”
From this, the Court derives two key elements of gender‑neutrality in recruitment:
Thus, gender‑neutrality is merit‑centric. Gender is constitutionally
irrelevant to selection, save where the Constitution itself permits special
provisions for women under Article 15(3).
3. What the Court Means by “Gender‑Equal”
By contrast, “gender‑equal” in the Court’s example refers to a symmetrical, numerically equal presence of men and women—for instance, 50% men and 50% women in intake or strength.
Here, the focus is on numerical parity rather than on merit flowing without gender filters. A
policy that fixes equal number of men
and women may appear egalitarian, but it still classifies on the basis of sex and may therefore:
·
Reserve a
fixed number of posts for men.
·
Reserve a
fixed number of posts for women.
·
Operate independently of merit distribution in
any given year.
In effect, gender‑equality in numbers can coexist with unequal treatment in merit,
especially where more meritorious candidates of one gender are kept out to
maintain a prefixed ratio.
The Court’s critical move is to show that “gender‑equal” (as numerical parity) can actually work against substantive equality under Articles 14, 15 and 16 if it is not anchored to merit and constitutional design.
4. Side‑by‑Side: Gender‑Neutral vs Gender‑Equal
To capture the Court’s articulation, the following table summarises the distinction:
|
Aspect |
Gender‑Neutral |
Gender‑Equal |
|
Basic idea |
Ignore gender in selection; treat candidates as
individuals. |
Aim for equal or fixed male–female numbers. |
|
Core criterion |
Merit‑based, irrespective of sex. |
Number‑based, sex‑segregated intake (e.g., 50:50). |
|
Treatment of gender |
Gender is not a
basis for selection or exclusion. |
Gender is an explicit
basis for structuring vacancies. |
|
Effect on vacancies |
No separate male/female vacancy caps; single pool. |
Separate male and female pools with fixed seats. |
|
Constitutional risk |
Aligns with Articles 14, 15, 16 if implemented honestly. |
Can cause indirect
discrimination if more meritorious candidates of one sex are excluded. |
|
Court’s example |
Hiring the best
candidates regardless of gender. |
Hiring the same
number of men and women. |
The judgment is clear that only the former—genuine gender‑neutrality—is compatible with a merit‑based, non‑discriminatory recruitment process.
5. Why the 50:50 JAG Policy Is Not Truly Gender‑Neutral
The 2023 policy described JAG entry as “gender‑neutral”, yet it mandated a 50:50 intake for men and women. The Supreme Court labels this “paradoxical” because:
·
The
policy claims gender‑neutrality but operates through a strict 50:50 gender ratio.
· The empirical data in the case showed that women candidates scored significantly higher than several male candidates who were selected under the male quota.
· The effect of the policy is that meritorious women are excluded and less‑meritorious men are inducted purely because of their gender.
The Court therefore holds that:
· The practice of recruiting equal numbers of male and female candidates in JAG, though facially neutral, is “anything but gender‑neutral in application and practice”.
· This structure leads to indirect discrimination, because a formally equal rule (50:50) produces a real disadvantage for women who perform better in the selection process.
In other words, gender‑equal (50:50) intake here amounts to gender‑biased outcome,
contrary to Articles 14, 15 and 16.
6. Constitutional Lens: From Formal Equality to Substantive Equality
The Court locates this distinction within a substantive equality framework, drawing from cases like Lt Col Nitisha on indirect discrimination. It emphasises that:
· To judge whether a policy is genuinely gender‑neutral, “one has to look beyond formal level of evaluation and take additional factors such as ‘impact’ or ‘effect’ into account.”
· A policy that appears fair on its face can still be discriminatory if its effects disproportionately harm a historically disadvantaged group, such as women in the armed forces.
Thus, gender‑neutrality is not satisfied by symmetric language; it must be
tested by outcomes. A 50:50 rule that systematically blocks high‑scoring
women is constitutionally infirm, regardless of its “equal” appearance.
7. The Court’s Preferred Model: Gender‑Neutral Plus Compensatory Support
Importantly, the Supreme Court does not reject the idea of consciously increasing women’s representation. Instead, it re‑reads the 2023 policy in a manner that makes it constitutional:
· The policy is interpreted as requiring the “most meritorious candidates” to be recruited “irrespective of their sex/gender”, from a common merit list.
· To compensate women for historical under‑enrolment, the Union may decide to allocate at least 50% of vacancies to women, but this must operate within a merit‑based, gender‑neutral selection pool.
In effect, the Court permits a compensatory, Article 15(3)‑compatible
approach that:
·
Does not reserve posts for men.
·
Does not cap women’s merit‑based entry.
· Uses women‑specific allocation only to lift women up, not to hold them down. This harmonises:
·
Gender‑neutrality in process (common testing, common criteria,
common merit list).
·
Gender‑sensitive correction in outcome (ensuring at least a
certain proportion of women, but never at the cost of excluding more
meritorious women).
8. Why the Distinction Matters: Practical and Doctrinal Consequences
The Court notes that the distinction between “gender‑neutral” and “gender‑equal” is already familiar to the Union, referring to the Gopika Nair litigation on Army Dental Corps, where the Union undertook to shift to a “gender‑neutral formula” and not restrict women to a fixed percentage of vacancies.
In doctrinal and practical terms, this
judgment clarifies that:
·
“Gender‑neutral” cannot be used as a
label for fixed male: female ratios that end up disadvantaging women.
· Any policy that reserves seats for men in branches where women are statutorily eligible (like JAG under Section 12 of the Army Act) is constitutionally impermissible, because Article 15(3) allows special provisions for women, not for men against women.
·
Recruitment
policies across public employment—especially in uniformed services—must be
tested not only for facial neutrality
but also for real‑world impact on
women’s access to employment and advancement.
The normative message is clear:
·
Gender‑equal numbers are not enough if they conceal or perpetuate gender‑based exclusion in merit.
·
True gender‑neutrality demands removal of arbitrary gender‑based caps and an uncompromising commitment to merit, combined with permissible, pro‑women measures that
redress historical disadvantage.
Anchored in the JAG recruitment
dispute, the Supreme Court has drawn a sharp, doctrinally significant line
between “gender‑neutral” and “gender‑equal” recruitment policies:
·
Gender‑equal (50:50) intake, when rigidly enforced, may violate equality if it suppresses
women’s meritorious claims.
·
Gender‑neutral recruitment, as the Court conceives
it, is merit‑driven and sex‑blind,
but can coexist with constitutionally
valid, compensatory measures to enhance women’s representation.
For policy‑makers, service
headquarters, and courts, this judgment converts what was often a loose,
rhetorical use of “gender‑neutrality” into a precise constitutional standard:
No policy is truly gender‑neutral if it structurally prevents the best‑performing women from being selected solely because they are women—even in the name of “equality” of numbers.


No comments:
Post a Comment